Superficial and Superfluous Neuroscience Theories and Psychologies

Every school year two or three seemingly silly psychologies come along that are wholeheartedly adopted by the K-12 education community.

Every year a number of seemingly silly theories are introduced to the K-12 education community, at a cost to the taxpayer and a generous profit to the education industry, of course.  In desperation of finding that data enhancing silver bullet and in fear of their kids falling behind, these unreplicated theories are typically wholeheartedly adopted and promoted. Millions of hours of professional development indoctrination follow and then within a few years the supposed revolutionary theories fade, seldom without any recognition that subsequent studies have revealed them to be bunk or they have failed scientific replication. Many educators unknowingly continue practicing pedagogical silliness for years. Apparently, schools are ideal psychology laboratories and students and teachers ideal lab rats.

Somewhere in the back of my mind, I suspect that most educators knew many of these theories were at least silly, unnecessary or grossly exaggerated if not pure bunk but went along anyway. To list but a few:  learning styles; positive behavior interventions and supports (PBIS); braining training; unconscious bias (implicit associations/bias); Macbeth effect; mindfulness; growth mindset; grit; power posing; left brain-right brain; brain gym; brain-based learning; and multiple intelligences. And there are a ton of experimental pedagogies that are self-debunking.

Did We Really Need to Fight the Civil War?

And was it fought for reasons other than slavery?

...and pushed on in the afternoon to "Edge Hill," the home of Colonel Thomas Jefferson Randolph, grandson of Thomas Jefferson, beautifully situated on a hill almost under the shadow of famous "Monticello."

How well I recall the giant form of Colonel Randolph, as he sat and talked of the olden days of Virginia, of ihs illustrious grandfather, and of the Legislature of Virginia in 1832, when the whole State was so deeply stirred by the scheme for the emancipation of the negroes. He was a member of that body, and he told me that a large majority of the members was in favor of the measure; but after careful consideration it was deemed wiser to postpone action upon it until the next session, in order that the details of the the scheme might be more maturely considered.

 But before the Legislature reassembled there occurred a violent ebullition of fantaticism on the part of the Abolitionists of New England. The Southern slave-holders were held up to scorn and detestation of mankind, and vengeance of God and man was invoked against them for the awful crime of slavery.

The consequence was a complete reaction of public opinion in Virginia on the subject of abolition of slavery, so that when the Legislature next assembled, the whole project was dropped. Thus was wrecked the most hopeful scheme of getting rid of the institution of slavery that had ever been proposed since its introducton in 1619. We may lament that the men of Virginia did not rise superior to the feelings naturally begotten by this unfair and fanatical assault, but, human nature being what it is, we cannot be surprised that the affair terminated as it did.

Had it been otherwise -- had the gradual emancipation of the slaves been decreed by Virginia -- there can be little doubt that Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, North Carolina, and Tennessee would have followed her example; and in time the moral pressure on the cotton States would have been so strong that they, too, must have adopted some scheme of emancipation. That this blessed consummation was not realized must be set down to the account of the fanatical Abolitionists, because of their violent and unjust arraignment of the South for an institution which she did not create, but had inherited, and against which the State of Virginia had many times protested in her early history.

. . .

It is not always remembered by students of American history that the original draft of the Declaration of Independence as drawn by Thos. Jefferson arraigned the king of England for forcing the institution of slavery on the people of the colonies against their will. It is also too often forgotten that the first government on earth to abolish the slave trade was the Commonwealth of Virginia. It was one of the first acts of the Old Dominion after her independence had been established, long before England passed her ordinance against it. And when the thirteen colonies formed the United States, in 1789, the voice of Virginia was raised in earnest advocacy of the immediate abolition of the trade in negro slaves, but owing to the opposition of New England, in alliance with some of the cotton states, the evil traffic was given a twenty years further lease of life.

The above was written by Randolph H McKim, a Confederate soldier, serving first as an infantry private, then a Lieutenant Aide-de-Camp and finally as a Chaplain in the Army of Northern Virginia. His book, A Soldier's Recollections: leaves from the diary of a young Confederate with an oration on the motives and aims of the soldiers of the South, was originally published in 1910.

John Adams' Caution about a Republic Form of Government

"In an 8 January 1776 letter to Mercy Otis Warren, the wife of Colonel James Warren, John Adams, cousin of Samuel Adams wrote:

"But, Madam, there is one Difficulty which I know not how to get over.

"Virtue and Simplicity of Manners are indispensably necessary in a Republic among all orders and Degrees of Men. But there is so much Rascallity, so much Venality and Corruption, so much Avarice and Ambition such a Rage for Profit and Commerce among all Ranks and Degrees of Men even in America, that I sometimes doubt whether there is public Virtue enough to Support a Republic."

Many would agree with him today. However, in his letter, he argues that the other option, a monarchy

"would produce so much Taste and Politeness so much Elegance in Dress, Furniture, Equipage, so much Musick and Dancing, so much Fencing and Skaiting, so much Cards and Backgammon; so much Horse Racing and Cockfighting, so many Balls and Assemblies, so many Plays and Concerts that the very Imagination of them makes me feel vain, light, frivolous and insignificant.

"It is the Form of Government which gives the decisive Colour to the Manners of the People, more than any other Thing. Under a well regulated Commonwealth, the People must be wise virtuous and cannot be otherwise. Under a Monarchy they may be as vicious and foolish as they please, nay, they cannot but be vicious and foolish. As Politicks therefore is the Science of human Happiness and human Happiness is clearly best promoted by Virtue, what thorough Politician can hesitate who has a new Government to build whether to prefer a Commonwealth or a Monarchy?"

Early in his letter, despite his later caution, he announces his support for a republic:

"For my own part I am so tasteless as to prefer a Republic. . . ."

John Adams is relatively historically unheralded yet was recognized by his contemporaries "as the most learned and penetrating thinker of the founding generation". He consistently maintained that the overarching purpose of government was the happiness of the people and that the republic form of government is that that has the most potential of achieving that end. And of the republic forms, he states in his famous essay, Thoughts on Government, "that form of government which is best contrived to secure an impartial and exact execution of the laws, is the best of republics".

Of non-republic forms and certain republic forms of government, he has much to say but this on 'fear' should have been an accurate forwarning:

"Fear is the foundation of most governments; but it is so sordid and brutal a passion, and renders men in whose breasts it predominates so stupid and miserable, that Americans will not be likely to approve of any political institution which is founded on it." (http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/592#Adams_0284_852)

Our constitution was in great part constructed from the John Adams' Thoughts essay, yet we should ask at least three questions:

1. Has the government achieved or at least allowed for the happiness and safety of the people?


2. Have there been or is there any reason to be fearful of government?


3. Does our government consistently secure an impartial and exact execution of the laws?